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DEAnastasiia Sheremok and Camille Gilles
This blog post is based on insights from the event “Twelve Years of Russian Occupation: Human Rights Violations and Ongoing Resistance in Crimea”, organised by the European Policy Centre on 17 March 2026 in Brussels.
Crimea beyond geopolitics
As the war in Ukraine has dominated headlines since 2022, it is essential not to lose sight of Crimea — the ultimate turning point of the Russia-Ukraine war. A territory whose occupation is all too often discussed in geopolitical and military terms, when it is, above all, a story of resistance, courage, and people.
Since its illegal annexation in 2014, Crimea has become a point of resistance across various levels. In February 2014, whilst the pro-European Euromaidan protests were taking place in Ukraine, Russian soldiers not wearing their military insignia seized airports and military bases in Crimea. The so-called ‘referendum on self-determination’ was held a month later under Russian military occupation, on 16 March 2014, without the presence of international observers to ensure its validity. The alleged 87-99.2% of votes in favour of joining Russia are, in this respect, of no value.
As the occupation of Crimea has also allowed Russia to dominate the Black Sea region, the peninsula remains strategically important nowadays. In the current phase of the war, Ukraine and its European partners have moved from an initial reactive approach, focused primarily on sanctions and emergency support, towards a more coordinated framework. This shift is reflected in efforts to unblock the Black Sea, which remains a major confrontation zone, particularly concerning the use of drones, to enable Ukrainian exports, targeting Russian military infrastructure in Crimea, and increasing pressure on Russian forces to facilitate broader advances in southern Ukraine.
Crimea as a Testing Ground for Repression
After the Russian occupation of Crimea in 2014, the peninsula has been transformed into a military stronghold, allowing Russia to control the Black Sea. Crimea also served as one of the launching points for Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022.
In 2014, the international community hesitated in its response to Russia’s deployment and the so-called referendum. This hesitation allowed Russia to experiment with methods of silencing dissent and suppressing opposition—methods later expanded to other occupied territories in 2022.
In violation of international humanitarian law, Russia has forcibly conscripted Ukrainian citizens into its armed forces and deployed them in the war against Ukraine. Out of approximately46,000 forcibly conscripted individuals, more than 35,000 are from Crimea. Moreover, according to statistics from 2024 alone, 132 out of 218 detainees in Crimea were Crimean Tatars.
Importantly, Human Rights Watch has emphasised that the conscription of protected persons in occupied territories constitutes a violation of international humanitarian law. In particular, Article 51 of the Geneva Convention IV, of which Russia is a party, prohibits the occupying power from compelling protected persons to serve in its armed or auxiliary forces.
Secondly, there are currently 16,000 Ukrainian civilians detained in Russian prisons, where they face torture, sexual violence, and other abuses. Lenie Umerova, a Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar activist, for example, was kidnapped in 2022 after travelling to Crimea to visit her sick father. She describes the lasting psychological scars of imprisonment and the atmosphere of fear created by Russian authorities: People understand that anyone can be arrested and detained at any time, based on fabricated charges; families often do not know where their loved ones are being held, and detainees are transferred between facilities, including to federal prisons in Russia. After being held in a temporary detention centre and later transferred to a Russian prison, Umerova was released in 2024 through a prisoner exchange.
Asymmetry in imprisonment is a barrier to obtaining releases: Ukraine does not hold as many prisoners of war (POWs) as there are Ukrainian civilians and POWs in Russia, limiting its ability to negotiate exchanges.
Lenie Umerova highlighted that international engagement is therefore essential. Pressure must be exerted not only on Russia, but also on organisations such as the Red Cross and on third countries facilitating negotiations. Turkey recently proposed organising peace talks: an initiative which Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has welcomed. Numerous peace talks had previously been held in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. In March 2026, UAE-mediated negotiations resulted in the release of 1,000 prisoners from both sides.
The European Union has responded through mechanisms such as the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, targeting individuals responsible for violations, including actors linked to Crimea. The EU has also provided information to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in its efforts to pursue accountability.
However, Pekka Toveri stressed that Russia continues to adapt and find new ways to violate international norms. Persistence, therefore, is essential: “the most important thing is never to give up.” As Toveri warned: “If the back door is open, the whole country is in danger—and if Ukraine is in danger, all of Europe is in danger.”
Access to reliable information remains extremely limited. Civil society currently remains the main source of information in Crimea. The few journalists still on the ground also provide access to information, carrying out their work under extremely dangerous conditions. Civil society organisations such as Crimea SOS and Truth Hounds have documented widespread abuses: persecution targeting women, lack of medical care for detainees, including at least 25 detainees who suffer from serious health conditions such as cancer. Since 2014, two political prisoners have died in Russian detention.
Additionally, Crimea is a transit point for children abducted from occupied Ukrainian territories: at least 20,000 Ukrainian children have been deported to Russia. Russia plans to re-educate them through propaganda. These deportations were considered war crimes and crimes against humanity in March 2026 by the United Nations.
Even without being deported, Ukrainian children are still affected by occupation policies in Crimea. In kindergartens, they are required to write letters to participants in Russia’s so-called “special military operation.” Over twelve years, several cohorts of children have grown up without exposure to Ukrainian identity or awareness that Crimea is part of Ukraine.
Four Pillars of Resistance and Accountability
According to Simon Papuashvili, Eastern Europe & South Caucasus Programme Director from International Partnership for Human Rights, civil society efforts are structured around four main pillars:
Since ICRC, the UN, or Ukrainian authorities cannot accessCrimea on the ground, documentation relies heavily on internal sources. Networks of activists operate covertly to collect evidence of abuses. The establishment of a special tribunal is increasingly discussed as a necessary step in this direction.
2. Facilitating Access to Justice
Legal aid is provided to detainees, even though Russian courts function as extensions of the state’s repressive apparatus. Civil society supports lawyers in Simferopol and Sevastopol, enabling access to otherwise inaccessible case files.
While full accountability may only be possible after a change of government in Russia, current efforts focus on supporting sanctions against perpetrators, developing universal jurisdiction cases, and encouraging EU Member States to prosecute suspects domestically.
4. Ensuring the Flow of Information
Independent journalists continue to operate under extremely difficult conditions. Civil society provides them with financial and security support, recognising that access to information is essential to counter propaganda. Movements such as the Yellow Ribbon movement show that Crimeans continue to perceive the peninsula as a Ukrainian territory. These acts, however small, serve as reminders to occupying forces that their control is neither accepted nor legitimate.
Human rights in Crimea are highly unlikely to be fully protected without de-occupation.
The Russian occupation experienced and created in Crimea a system characterised by repression, forced assimilation, and widespread violations of international law. At the same time, resistance, both visible and undercover, continues despite the extreme danger to express objection against the Russian regime.
The European Union’s responsibility must focus on two things: first, maintain pressure on Russia; and second, provide the civilians with as much support and protection as possible. Achieving justice for Crimea and Ukraine is a long-term process that will require commitment, coordination, and strategic planning on the part of all Europeans.
Crimea and its people need to be at the heart of the debates concerning Ukraine, and not isolated from the debates that involve them. Crimea is Ukraine. And a just and lasting peace for Ukraine must necessarily include Crimea.